1.
The international situation
The
quran Qurċn was 'revealed' in the early part of the
seventh century AD in the towns of Mecca and Medina in
west-central Arabia. About the same time the missioners
of Columba were bringing the Christian faith to Scotland
and northern England, while those of Augustine of
Canterbury were spreading northwards and westwards from
Kent. In France the Merovingian kings exercised a
largely nominal rule. The
Roman empire
of the West had succumbed to the barbarians, but the
Eastern Roman or
Byzantine empire,
with its capital at
Constantinople, had escaped their ravages. Under
Justinian (528-65) the latter had attained a position of
settled power and civilization, but in the half-century
following his death it had fallen into confusion, partly
owing to attacks from without by other barbarians, and
partly because of internal troubles and incompetent
rulers. 1
In
the east Byzantium had a serious rival in the Persian
empire of the Sassanids, which stretched from
Iraq
and Mesopotamia in the west to the eastern frontiers of
modern Iran and Afghanistan. Its capital was at
Ctesiphon (al - madain Madċin), some twenty miles
south-east of the site of the later city of Baghdad. The
history of the Middle East in the later sixth and early
seventh centuries is dominated by the struggle between
these two giants. Towards the end of the reign of
Justinian a fifty years' peace had been agreed on, but
this had not been kept, and the long final war to the
death began in 602. Taking advantage of the weakness of
the Byzantines, Khosrau II of Persia commenced
hostilities alleging as his pretext revenge for the
murder of the emperor Maurice, from whom he had, at the
beginning of his reign, received aid. Phocas (602-10),
who had displaced Maurice, was beset by apathy and
active revolt at home and was in no position to ward off
the Persian attack.
Asia
Minor
was overrun. At the lowest ebb of the fortunes of
Byzantium in 610, Heraclius, son of the governor of
North Africa, appeared with a fleet before
Constantinople.
Phocas was deposed and Heraclius crowned emperor. The
tide might be said to have turned.
Nevertheless there were still troubles ahead for the
Byzantines. Their European provinces had been overrun by
barbarians from the north, and years passed before
Heraclius could make headway against the Persians. These
meanwhile turned southwards, and conquered Syria and
Egypt in 614. The sack of Jerusalem after a revolt
against the Persian garrison, the slaughter of the
inhabitants, and the carrying off of what was believed
to be the true Cross, stirred the emotions of Christians
throughout the Byzantine empire, and enabled Heraclius
to reorganize his forces. After dealing with the Avars,
who threatened Constantinople from the north, he turned
in 622 against the Persians. In a series of campaigns in
Asia Minor he met with some success, but in 626 the
Persians were besieging
Constantinople
though briefly and unsuccessfully. A bold invasion of
Iraq
by Heraclius in 627 was crowned by the defeat of a
Persian army. Though Heraclius withdrew soon afterwards,
the strains produced in the
Persian empire
by the long series of wars now made themselves felt. In
February 628 Khosrau II was murdered, and the son who
succeeded him had many opponents and wanted peace. The
great struggle was virtually ended, and the Byzantines
had had the best of it. The negotiations for the
evacuation of the Byzantine provinces dragged on until
June 629, and it was September before Heraclius entered
Constantinople
in triumph. The Holy Rood was restored to
Jerusalem in March 630.
The
struggle of the two great powers had more relevance to
Arabian politics than is immediately obvious. The
struggle was indeed comparable to that between the
Soviet bloc and the Atlantic powers in the decades after
the Second World War. As each side in the latter tried
to gain the support of relatively small neutral states,
so in the sixth and seventh centuries each side sought
to extend its own sphere of influence in
Arabia
and to reduce that of the other side. Not much could be
done with the nomads of the desert except contain them,
and this was done by paying semi-nomadic groups on the
borders of the desert to stop nomadic raids into the
settled country-the Ghassanids on the Byzantine border
at
Petra and other places, and Lakhmids on the Persian
border with their centre at Hira. On the periphery of
Arabia, however, there were many possibilities of
gaining influence. About 521 the Christian empire of
Abyssinia or Ethiopia occupied the fertile highlands of
the
Yemen
in south-west Arabia; and this was done despite
theological differences, with the full support and
perhaps encouragement of the Byzantine empire. The
Yemen
remained under the Abyssinians until about 575, when
they were expelled by a sea-borne expedition from
Persia. Persia also gained control of a number of small
towns on the eastern and southern coasts of Arabia. This
was normally done by supporting a pro-Persian faction.
The incident about 590 associated with the name of
uthman ˙Uthmċn al huwayrith ibn-al-Ĝuwayrith is to be
regarded as an attempt by the Byzantines to gain control
of Mecca by helping this man to become a puppet ruler
there. Meccan interest in the struggle of the two
empires is reflected in a passage of the quran Qurċn
[30.2/1-5/4], usually taken to be a prophecy of the
final victory of the rum Rġm or Byzantines 2; and there
may be one or two other references to the war. Some of
the later successes of muhammad Muĝammad in Arabia may
be due to the fact that, with the decline of
Persia
about 628, most of the pro-Persian factions turned to
muhammad Muĝammad for support and became Muslims.
2.
Life in Arabia
The
religion of Islam is popularly associated with life in
the desert, and, though there is an element of truth in
this idea, it is misleading unless properly qualified,
Islam has nearly always been first and foremost a
religion of townsmen paying little attention to the
special needs of agriculturists or pastoral nomads. The
first home of Islam was Mecca, then an extremely
prosperous commercial centre; and its second home was
Medina, a rich oasis with some commerce also. Yet both
Mecca
and
Medina stood in close relationship to the surrounding
nomads.
By
the end of the sixth century the great merchants of
Mecca had gained a monopolistic control of the trade
passing up and down the western coastal fringe of Arabia
to the Mediterranean. The winter and summer caravans are
referred to in 106.2 and traditionally went southwards
and northwards respectively. The route southwards went
to the Yemen, but there was an extension to Abyssinia,
and goods were probably also transported to and from
India by sea. This route had probably become important
because the alternative route from the Persian Gulf to
Aleppo had been made dangerous by the war between the
Byzantines and the Persians. In order to be able to use
these long caravan routes safely the Meccans had to be
on good terms with nomadic tribes capable of protecting
the caravans over the various sections of the route. The
guarantors were of course paid for their trouble; but
the prestige and military power of the Meccans, together
with their diplomatic skill, seem to have ensured the
smooth working of the system.
The
fact that the quran Qurċn was first addressed to people
engaged in commerce is reflected in its language and
ideas. A reference to Mecca's commercial prosperity and
its caravans has just been mentioned. An American
scholar, C.C. Torrey, made a special study of The
Commercial-Theological Terms in the quran Koran, 3 and
came to the conclusion that they were used to express
fundamental points of doctrine and not simply as
illustrative metaphors. Among the quranic Qurċnic
assertions of this kind are the following: the deeds of
men are recorded in a book; the Last Judgement is a
reckoning; each person receives his account; the balance
is set up (as for the exchange of money or goods) and a
man's deeds are weighed; each soul is held in pledge for
the deeds committed; if a man's actions are approved he
receives his reward, or his hire; to support the
Prophet's cause is to lend a loan to God. 4
While the Meccans were in constant business relations
with the nomads, they also had a deeper connection with
the desert. It was only a generation or two since they
had given up nomadic life to settle in Mecca. In many
ways the people of Mecca still retained the outlook of
the nomads. The malaise and discontent in Mecca may be
largely traced to the tension and even conflict between
nomadic mores and the new way of life which commercial
activity fostered. It is this nomadic way of life above
all which is presupposed in the quran Qurċn. Nomadism
is one of the great achievements of the human spirit.
Arnold Toynbee has spoken of it as a tour de force; it
presupposes the domestication of animals, especially the
camel, and this must have taken place when men were
living in oases and partly dependent on agriculture;
thus, presumably when conditions in the oases grew more
difficult, the owner of camels leaves this for the even
more difficult life of the desert or steppe. 5 Only a
high degree of excellence in the art of living in
community will enable men to make a success of life in
the desert. One of the claims to greatness of Islam as a
religion is that it took the human virtues or
excellences, tempered in the fire of desert life, and
made them accessible to other men.
The
basis of life in the desert is the pasturing and
breeding of camels. The staple food of the nomad is the
milk of the camels. It is only occasionally that their
flesh is eaten. By selling surplus camels or by
receiving fees for guaranteeing the safety of caravans
the nomads may become able to purchase dates from the
oases, and even luxuries like wine. Sheep and goats were
also kept, but these had to remain on the edge of the
desert where there were wells. The camel-nomad, on the
other hand, could at certain seasons of the year go into
the sandy desert (nafudwhere nafġd)where there were no
wells. In the rainy season or spring (rabi rabĉ˙) there
were many valleys and hollows with plentiful but
short-lived vegetation. From this the camels could gain
sufficient food and liquid to keep themselves and their
owners well fed and free from thirst. Arabian rainfall
is erratic, however, and the nomad has to vary his
movements according to its incidence in any particular
season. Once the spring vegetation has disappeared, the
nomad has to go to other tracts of land where there are
wells and perennial shrubs. Since the camel is thus so
basic to life in
Arabia,
references in the quran Qurċn to 'cattle' (anam an˙ċm)
should primarily be understood of camels.
Because of the constant pressure of population on
food-supplies, the struggle to maintain existence
against rivals was unending. For mutual defence against
enemies and for mutual help against nature, men banded
themselves together in groups, usually based on kinship.
Raids by one group upon another were almost a national
sport among the Arabs. A favourite practice was to
appear unexpectedly with overwhelming force at some
point where the other party was weak; the men in charge
of the camels would flee-without losing face, since the
enemy had overwhelming force-and the raiders would make
off with the camels. The size of the effective groups
was relatively small; but for certain purposes small
groups would act together with other groups on the basis
of a real or feigned kinship through descent from a
common ancestor. Groups of different sizes are roughly
indicated in English by such terms as 'family', 'clan',
'tribe', 'federation of tribes'. A tribe or clan,
besides those who were full members by birth, usually
had attached to it various other persons who looked to
it for protection. This attachment took several forms,
such as 'confederate' (halif ĝalif), 'protected
neighbour' (jar jċr) and 'client' (mawla mawlċ). The
confederate had made an alliance with an individual or
group on terms of at least nominal equality, whereas the
other attached persons were in some sense inferior.
Protection by the group was an essential feature of life
not only in the deserts of Arabia but also in a town
like Mecca and an oasis settlement like Medina. It was
linked with the idea of retaliation or 'an eye for an
eye'-the lex talionis of the Old Testament [Exodus,
21.24f., etc.]. The principle of retaliation, coupled
with corporate responsibility, was a relatively
effective way of keeping peace in the desert and
preventing wanton crime. According to primitive ideas
there was no need or obligation to respect human life as
such; but a man would avoid injuring or killing another
if the latter was of the same tribe, or an allied tribe,
or if he belonged to a group that was powerful and
certain to exact vengeance. An understanding of this
system and its ramifications is necessary for a proper
appreciation of many incidents in muhammad Muĝammad's
career. He was able to continue in
Mecca
despite opposition because his own clan of hashim
Hċshim, though many members of it disapproved of his new
religion, was in honour bound to avenge any injury to
him. At the same time the system prevented punishment,
as now understood, by the executive body of the
municipality of Mecca or Medina. If the head of the
council in Mecca, even with the consent of the whole
council, had tried to punish an offender, the latter's
clan would have felt justified in taking vengeance. In
such a case only the head of the offender's own clan
could punish him. At various points in the quran Qurċn
concepts from this sphere are applied metaphorically to
God. He does not fear the consequences (sc. retaliation)
of his punishing the tribe of thamud Thamġd [91.15]; he
gives 'neighbourly protection' (yujir yujĉr) to all, but
'neighbourly protection against him is never given (sc.
because no one is strong enough' [23.88/90].
The
extent of the sense of unity among the Arabs before
Islam is a point about which there has been some
dispute. There cannot have been anything comparable to
Arab nationalism as now understood, since the Arab's
basic attachment was to the tribe or clan. There were,
however, widely accepted common customs, such as those
connected with retaliation. Above all, however, there
seems to have been some feeling of having a common
language, Arabic; there are several references to the
revelations to muhammad Muĝammad as 'an Arabic quran
Qurċn' [12.2; etc.] or as being 'in an Arabic tongue'
[46.12/11]. Difficulties implicit in these statements
will be considered in a later chapter. It would seem
that there were various mutually intelligible dialects,
and that the people who spoke them regarded themselves
as 'clear-speakers' in contrast to a foreigner who was a
'confused speaker' (ajami ˙ajamĉ). There were also
theories of a common descent, or rather of two groups,
sometimes distinguished as northern and southern Arabs,
each descended from a common ancestor, though the two
were not related. 6 Whatever the truth behind these
accounts, it seems clear that some of the 'southern'
tribes had taken to nomadic life after being settled in
the Yemen. There had been in South Arabia for a thousand
years a great civilization based partly on trade and
partly on elaborate irrigation. The breakdown of the
irrigation system, often called the bursting of the dam
of marib Marib (and referred to in 34.16/15), is now
known from inscriptions to have been rather a series of
events, extending at least from 451 to 542, and may have
been the result rather than the cause of economic
decline. 7 South Arabian influences on
Mecca
in muhammad Muĝammad's time may have been important, but
there is little agreement on this point.
Apart from the
Yemen
there were a number of oases in western Arabia where
agriculture was practised. The chief of these was
Medina
(literally 'the town'), previously known as Yathrib. The
main crop was dates, but cereals were also grown. In
agricultural development at
Medina
and elsewhere a leading part had been played by Jews-an
unusual role in the light of medieval European
conceptions of the Jew as a trader and financier.
Certain Arabs had settled in the oasis of
Medina
at some time after the Jewish settlement, and these
Arabs had become politically dominant. In other
oases-tayma Taymċ, Fadak, wadi Wċdi l qura l-Qurċ,
Khaybar-the settlers were predominantly Jewish. The
ultimate ethnic origin of these Jewish tribes and clans
is not clear. They had adopted the social forms and
customs of the Arabs, and differed only in religion;
some may have been Arab groups who had adopted Judaism,
and in any case there had been much intermarriage. 8
The
religious situation in
Arabia
about AD 600 was complex. The presence of these
settlements of Jews in oases and of a considerable
number of Jews in the
Yemen led to a gradual spread of some Jewish ideas.
There was also much Christian influence, though it was
more diffuse. Trade had brought the Meccans into contact
with the Byzantine and Abyssinian empires, which were
Christian. Christianity had spread in the Yemen,
especially when the country was under Abyssinian
control. Sections of some of the nomadic tribes had
become Christian. Apart from this we hear of only
isolated individuals like Waraqa ibn-Nawfal at
Mecca,
the cousin of muhammad Muĝammad's first wife khadija
Khadĉja. This was sufficient, however, to ensure that
there was some penetration of Christian ideas into
intellectual circles in
Arabia. On the other hand, the reason why more Arabs did
not become Christian is doubtless in part the fact that
Christianity had political implications; the Byzantine
and Abyssinian empires were officially Christian
(Orthodox or Monophysite), and Nestorian Christianity
was strong in the Persian empire. 9
Apart from Judaism and Christianity, there are traces in
the quran Qurċn and elsewhere of forms of the old
Semitic religion. Names of particular deities are
mentioned [53.19f.; 71.23/2]. These were not comparable
to the Greek gods, but were rather local forms taken by
the general Semitic worship of male and female powers.
10 In so far as these deities had primarily belonged to
an agricultural phase in the life of the Arabs, they
were hardly relevant to nomadic society; and stories of
the period suggest that the nomads had no profound
respect for them. The chief driving power in nomadic
life came from what may be called 'tribal humanism', 11
that is, a belief in the virtues or human excellence of
a tribe or clan (and its members) and in the
transmission of these qualities by the tribal stock. For
men whose effective belief was this, the motive behind
most actions was the desire to maintain the honour of
the tribe. The question of honour is omnipresent in the
numerous examples of pre-Islamic poetry that have been
preserved.
Apart from tribal humanism and the old paganism, there
appears to have been present among some Arabs a form of
belief in which a supreme deity or 'high god' was
acknowledged in addition to the lesser deities. This may
be inferred from a number of passages where polytheists
are depicted as admitting that God is creator and
provider and as praying to him in a moment of crisis. 12
It is probable that such a belief was widespread, and
also that a few people were moving on from this to
belief in one God only. In later Muslim works it is
assumed that there were a number of such persons-some
names are given-and that they used the name of hanif
ĝanĉf (singular). In the quran Qurċn this word is
applied primarily to those who professed what is called
'the pure religion of Abraham'-a pure monotheism which
was later allegedly corrupted by Jews and Christians,
The matter is complex, 13 but the point to be emphasized
here is that any 'pure monotheist' prior to muhammad
Muĝammad-and there may well have been some-did not call
himself a hanif ĝanĉf. In the quran Qurċn the word
belongs to the teaching about the relation of Islam to
Judaism and Christianity and not to affairs about AD
600. Nevertheless the quran Qurċn also gives hints of
much religious ferment at that period.
muhammad
3.
Muĝammad's career 14
The
career of muhammad Muĝammad is a subject of study in
itself and will only be briefly sketched here so as to
indicate its main phases in so far as some knowledge of
them is necessary for the understanding of the quran
Qurċn. Not surprisingly there are virtually no
references to the period of muhammad Muĝammad's life
prior to his call to be a prophet. The chief exception
is the passage in 93.6-8, which speaks of his orphanhood
and poverty. This is explained more fully by the
Traditions. When muhammad Muĝammad was born in Mecca
about AD 570 his father was already dead, and his mother
died when he was about six. He was then under the care
of his grandfather abd al muttalib ˙Abd-al-Muŝŝalib,
and, when he in turn died, of his uncle abu talib
Abġ-Ŝċlib, who lived until a year or two before muhammad
Muĝammad's Hijra or emigration to Medina in 622. His
poverty may be ascribed to the fact that by Arab
customary law a minor could not inherit, so that nothing
came to muhammad Muĝammad from either his father or his
grandfather. The fortunes of the clan as a whole may
have been in decline, since abu talib Abġ-Ŝċlib, for
long head of the clan, was apparently not a wealthy man.
He did, however, undertake trading journeys to Syria,
and muhammad Muĝammad is said to have been to
Syria
with him. Later he was commissioned by a woman of
moderate means, called khadija Khadĉja, to take charge
of her goods on a trading journey of this type, and he
was so successful that she married him, she then being
about forty and he twenty-five. He presumably continued
to trade with their joint capital for the next fifteen
years or longer.
The
next phase of muhammad Muĝammad's career began when he
was about forty. His years of poverty must have made him
fully aware of the spiritual malaise affecting Mecca as
a result of its material prosperity. He is said to have
been in the habit of meditating on such matters. About
610 in the course of his meditations he had some strange
experiences, and came to the conclusion that he was
receiving messages from God to communicate to the people
of
Mecca.
At first the messages were simply remembered by muhammad
Muĝammad and his friends, though later some may have
been written down by muhammad Muĝammad's secretaries.
After his death all that was extant, written or
remembered, was collected and written down to constitute
the quran Qurċn as we know it. This simple statement
covers many disputed points which will be dealt with
later. For a few years after receiving the first
revelation muhammad Muĝammad made no public
proclamations, but communicated the messages privately
to friends sympathetic to the outlook and attitude
prescribed in them. The main emphasis was on a call to
worship God in gratitude for his goodness to the Meccans
as a whole and to each individual. Many of the revealed
passages spoke of various natural events as signs of
God's goodness.
In
due course, however, muhammad Muĝammad had to pass over
to a public proclamation of the quranic Qurċnic
message, and this led sooner or later-the chronology of
the Meccan period is uncertain-to opposition from the
richest merchants in Mecca. Probably even during the
phase of private communication the messages had
contained a warning that those who disregarded the
divine messages would inevitably be punished either in
this life or in the life to come. After opposition
appeared these warnings became more frequent. Stories of
previous messengers or prophets were recounted or
alluded to in the messages in order to convince the
audience of the certainty of punishment. Presumably
because the opposition to muhammad Muĝammad was
associated with a recrudescence of the old religion with
its idol-worship, the quranic Qurċnic messages now
include a vigorous attack on idols and an insistence on
monotheism. The stories of previous messengers also gave
encouragement to muhammad Muĝammad and the band of
followers that had gathered round him. It is difficult
to assess the extent of persecution, but it was bitterly
resented by the Muslims, as those eventually came to be
known who accepted the quranic Qurċnic messages. By a
process of inference it appears that on the death of abu
talib Abġ-Ŝċlib the new chief of muhammad Muĝammad's
clan, abu lahab Abġ-Lahab (another uncle), withdrew the
protection of the clan from muhammad Muĝammad, alleging
that he had forfeited the right to it by asserting that
the ancestors of the clan were in Hell. This is
doubtless the reason for the fierce attack on abu lahab
Abġ-Lahab in sura 111.
Persecution and withdrawal of protection made it
impossible for muhammad Muĝammad to continue his mission
in
Mecca.
An opportunity presented itself of migrating to the
oasis of
Medina
some two hundred miles to the north, and muhammad
Muĝammad and seventy of his followers decided to go
there. This event was the Hijra (latinized as 'hijra
Hegira') or Emigration; and the Islamic era begins with
the beginning of the Arabian year in which it took
place, viz. 16 July 622. 15 Most of the Arabs of Medina
made an agreement with muhammad Muĝammad, accepting his
claim to be a prophet and recognizing him as chief of
the 'clan' of Emigrants. For the first few years at
Medina
muhammad Muĝammad was far from being ruler of the oasis,
since there were eight other clan chiefs of roughly
equal status. In time, however, through the military
success of the expeditions or razzias undertaken by the
Emigrants assisted by the men of
Medina, muhammad Muĝammad's power greatly increased.
The
first eighteen months or so after the Hijra were
occupied not merely with a general adjustment to the new
situation by all concerned but more especially by
attempts on muhammad Muĝammad's part to gain the support
of the Jewish clans and small groups in
Medina.
Time and again he is instructed in the quran Qurċn to
appeal to them in various forms. Then, when it appears
that few of them are going to respond to his appeals, he
is told to criticize them, and shown that the religion
he is proclaiming is the pure religion of Abraham which
the Jews and Christians have corrupted. What is found in
the quran Qurċn is mainly evidence for the intellectual
aspects of the dispute between muhammad Muĝammad and the
Jews, but there are also a few references to the
expulsion of Jewish clans. There are also places where
both Jews and Christians are attacked. There was no
active hostility against Christians until the last two
or three years of muhammad Muĝammad's life, and so it
would seem that the criticisms of the Jews were
sometimes continued into this period. What is known as
'the break with the Jews' occurred about March 624,
shortly before the battle of Badr. The chief outward
mark of this realignment of forces in Medina was that
the Qibla or direction faced in prayer was changed from
being towards Jerusalem, like the Jews, to being towards
Mecca. This was an indication that the new religion was
to be specifically Arab, and that muhammad Muĝammad was
going to rely more on the 'arabizing' party among his
followers than upon the 'judaizing' party.
The
same month of March 624 also saw the throwing down of
the gauntlet by the Muslims to the power of
Mecca.
Already in January 624 a handful of Muslims had captured
a small Meccan caravan from under the noses of the
Meccans, as it were. In March, however, a band of just
over three hundred Muslims led by muhammad Muĝammad
himself won a surprise victory at Badr over a much
larger force from
Mecca and killed about half the leading men of
Mecca.
This was a challenge to the Meccan commercial empire
which the great merchants could not ignore. About a year
later they invaded the Medinan oasis and had the better
of the fighting near mount uhud Uĝud, but failed to
inflict very heavy losses on muhammad Muĝammad, far less
to dislodge him. The quran Qurċn reflects both the
exhilaration of the Muslims after the victory of Badr,
which seemed to them God's vindication of their cause,
and their dismay after uhud Uĝud when they feared that
he had abandoned them. There are rather fewer references
in the quran Qurċn to the later incidents in muhammad
Muĝammad's struggle with the Meccans. In 627 they
besieged
Medina for a fortnight along with nomadic allies, but
had no success. In March 628 muhammad Muĝammad attempted
to perform the pilgrimage to
Mecca
with 1,600 men; though he was stopped by the Meccans and
had to postpone his pilgrimage to the next year, he
signed a treaty with them at hudaybiya al-Ĝudaybiya
which put an end to hostilities. An incident between
nomads allied to the two sides was construed by muhammad
Muĝammad as a breach of the treaty, and he marched on
Mecca with 10,000 men in January 630 and entered the
city as conqueror with virtually no fighting. He showed
great leniency to his former enemies, the Meccans, and
most of them became his associates in the final phase of
his career and acknowledged him as the Messenger of God.
This
final phase was constituted by the expansion of muhammad
Muĝammad's authority into most regions of
Arabia,
and his 'reconnaissance in force' of one of the routes
used in the subsequent Arab expansion beyond
Arabia.
Even before 630 a few nomadic tribes had become muhammad
Muĝammad's allies and had recognized his political as
well as his religious authority. Two or three weeks
after his victorious entry into Mecca muhammad Muĝammad
took his 10,000 Muslims and also 2,000 Meccans to a
place towards the east called hunayn Ĝunayn, and there
met a concentration of nomads hostile both to himself
and to the Meccans. For some time the issue of the
battle hung in the balance, but it ended in the absolute
rout of muhammad Muĝammad's opponents. After this there
was no possible concentration of nomads in
Arabia (apart from the north) which could take the field
against the Muslims. Soon most of the tribes of Arabia
began sending deputations to Medina to seek alliance
with muhammad Muĝammad. By the time of his death on 8
June 632 he was effective ruler of most of Arabia,
though in the case of several tribes there was also a
strong faction hostile to him, who were biding their
time to throw off the yoke of Medina. It would seem,
however, that for some years before his death muhammad
Muĝammad had realized that the extension of his rule and
of what may be called the pax islamica over the nomadic
tribes of Arabia must go hand in hand with an outlet for
their energies into regions beyond Arabia. In this
connection it is to be noted that the greatest of all
muhammad Muĝammad's expeditions, that to tabuk Tabġk in
the north, seems to have had as its strategic aim the
opening of the route for expansion into Syria. This
expedition, which is mentioned at several points in sura
9, lasted from October to December 630 and comprised
30,000 men. On the whole, however, the quran Qurċn has
few references to this last phase.
Annex A
Chronology of muhammad Muĝammad's career
c.
570 birth at
Mecca
c.
595 marriage to khadija Khadĉja
c.
610 first revelation
c.
613 beginning of public preaching
c.
619 deaths of khadija Khadĉja and abu talib Abġ-Ŝċlib
16
July 622 beginning of era of Hijra
September 622 arrival in
Medina
c.
February 624 change of qibla
March 624 battle of Badr
March 625 battle of uhud Uĝud
April 627 siege of
Medina
March 628 treaty of hudaybiya al-Ĝudaybiya
January 630 conquest of
Mecca;
battle of hunayn Ĝunayn
October-December 630 expedition to tabuk Tabġk
March 632 pilgrimage of farewell
8
June 632 death
Annex B
hanif Ĝanĉf
The
word hanif ĝanĉf occurs twelve times in the quran Qurċn,
two of these instances being of the plural hunafa ĝunafċ'.
The basic usage is doubtless that in 3.67/0, where it is
said that Abraham was neither a Jew nor a Christian but
a hanif ĝanĉf, a muslim, not one of the 'idolaters'.
There are similar historical statements about Abraham
worshipping God as a hanif ĝanĉf in 6.79 and 16.120/1,
but the word muslim is not used there. Next there are a
number of explicit or implicit commands to muhammad
Muĝammad and the Muslims to follow the creed or religion
of Abraham as a hanif ĝanĉf [2.135/29; 3.95/89; 4.125/4;
6.161/2; 16.123/4]. In the remaining passages [10.105;
22.31/2; 30.30/29; 98.5/4] there is no mention of
Abraham, but the command is given to muhammad Muĝammad
(or the Muslims or the people of the Book) to serve God
'as a hani ĝanĉ, not one of the idolaters'. Thus the
word is connected solely with Abraham himself or with
'the religion of Abraham' as that is conceived in the
quran Qurċn and, as applying to Islam, contrasted with
Judaism and Christianity as well as with paganism.
Later Muslim scholars always take the word in this
sense, sometimes also using hanif ĝanĉf as equivalent of
'Muslim', and the hanifiyya ĝanĉfiyya as equivalent of
'Islam'. The latter word was found instead of Islam in
ibn masud Ibn-Mas˙ġd's copy of the quran Qurċn at
3.19/17. Muslim scholars also tried to show that there
were men just before muhammad Muĝammad who were seeking
the hanifiyya ĝanĉfiyya or pure monotheism. There
certainly appear to have been men seeking a purer or
more adequate religion, but they cannot have called
themselves by the name of hanif ĝanĉf since, had they
done so, the name could not have been equated with
'Muslim'. It seems that pre-Islamic Arab poets used
hanif ĝanĉf for 'pagan' or 'idolater', and this was
certainly the Christian usage, derived from Syriac by
taking the plural hunafa ĝunafċ to represent the Syriac
plural hanpe ĝanpé. Christians used this point in
mocking criticism of Muslims, and the latter seem
eventually to have abandoned calling themselves hunafa
ĝunafċ. A much fuller discussion will be found in EI,
art. hanif ˙ĝanĉf.
muhammad
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